Nasser Nasser/AP/Press Association Images. All rights reserved.A quick glance at the official Ultras Ahlawy Facebook page offers a harrowing reminder of the last five years in Egyptian history. Instead of a timeline dedicated to football fandom and hardcore support for the Al-Ahly club, poignant pictures of various youth crowd the screen, each with a similar caption – birthday wishes to members no longer among them.
A September
7 post read: Happy Birthday, martyr Khairy
Fathy. Paradise awaits you, god willing.
Though less
than a decade old, Egypt’s Ultras have long lost their innocence. The group were labeled heroes for their bravery during the Egyptian uprising in January 2011, when they represented disenfranchised youth struggling to survive and to have their
voices heard.
Many
believed they represented the new generation of politically conscious Egyptians
who would rebuild their beloved nation. They opposed the oppressive regimes
that replaced Mubarak’s Pharaonic 30-year reign and suffered the consequences
in the form of violent suppression and bloodcurdling massacre.
In the
tempestuous years following the Arab Spring, the Ultras Ahlawy’s public image
has transformed from that of a hero’s appeal to that of troublemakers, vandals,
and supposed terrorists, helped along by Egypt’s new
oppressive laws banning the Ultras existence as a collective.
The ruling
to ban these groups came at the request of controversial Al Zamalek SC
president Mortada Mansour, who alleged that members of the Ultras White Knights
(a Zamalek faction separate from Ultras Ahlawy) attempted
to murder him and barred him from entering his own club’s
headquarters.
The anti-establishment
slogans, chants and songs that chorused through the stadiums between 2007-10 are
no more. Instead, two massacres and targeted violence haunt the
Ultras’ existence.
Mohammed El Raai/AP/Press Association Images. All rights reserved.So why is
the complete suppression of the Ultras important to the Egyptian government?
How did the group become a polarizing entity within Egypt? And how did a
football fan club dedicated to hardcore Al Ahly fandom become a symbol of revolution
and political opposition?
Free expression through sports
During the
three-decade reign of former president Hosni Mubarak, Egyptian citizens were
limited in their opportunities to participate in the socio-political sphere.
The state lacked the ambition, resources and necessary structures and
institutions to harbour that form of discussion and debate. Those who wanted to
express alternative opinions had no formal outlet to relieve their frustrations.
Naturally,
this vacuum allowed for unorthodox entities to arise as an alternative form of
protest and outward expression. For many, this came in the form of religious
institutions or similar social structures. For others, football fandom became
their preferred outlet. Interestingly, however, the rise of the Ultras Ahlawy
also brought about a fresh wave of social and political activism.
Mohammed El Raai/AP/Press Association Images. All rights reserved.Formed in
2005 as an online community, the Ultras Ahlawy (UA-07) group was created by
disgruntled members of the Cairo-based Ahly Fans Club (AFC). They separated
from the traditional fan club after growing concern over the Al-Ahly
club board members’ influence over the association. Less than two years
later, the now-infamous red devil pitchforks banner was featured for the first
time in an April 13, 2007 match against ENPPI. It signaled the official start
of Ultras fandom in Egypt.
Egyptian
football had never
seen anything like it. Ultras Ahlawy members were remarkably well organized
and strict in their stadium etiquette. They separated from the football associations
that were funded by the Al Ahly club, which allowed them complete autonomy over
their actions during matches.
They peppered
the stadium with crimson
flares, sang lengthy songs, and boasted about their newfound collective
identity. They even carried 30 foot banners with inspirational slogans like “We
Are Egypt.”
Confronting authority
As
expected, the Egyptian government began to probe Ultras members in an attempt
to determine the inspiration behind the group and the nature of their relationship with
state authority and control. State paranoia quickly morphed into police
brutality, which brought about the start of a bloody
relationship between Ultras members and the Egyptian police force.
In order to
understand why the state would be interested in the affairs of a fan club, one
need only look at how Egypt has handled group gatherings historically.
For decades,
Egypt operated under the Emergency Law, which allowed for limitless censorship,
extended police control, and prohibited unauthorized gatherings. While this
was generally imposed to quash unwanted political activity, it was also used to
monitor Egypt’s youth and determine whether they posed a threat to the regime.
This strategy remained in place well into Mubarak’s reign and has returned in the
post-revolution space.
From the
Egyptian government’s perspective, the Ultras posed a potential threat to the
government because of its passionate youth base with seemingly no radical
agenda. Was this a political unit masquerading as a fan club? Was it a group of
anarchist vandals looking for chaos? All those questions were enough for the
government to raise concerns over the group's existence.
STR/AP/Press Association Images. All rights reserved.For the
first few years following the group’s inception, the Ultras Ahlawy made very
few political statements. Their concern was lack of visibility in the
public sphere and the constant
resistance from state actors like the police apparatus. They were subject
to invasive handling in stadiums when security forces opted for a heavy-handed
approach to maintaining control during matches. On occasion, tensions led to
clashes between the Ultras and the police.
This
inability to achieve their rightful autonomy under Mubarak’s oppressive regime helped
shape the Ultras' combative approach and, eventually, their political message.
Graffiti slogans were visible on street corners and stadium walls – what once
began as outward displays of affection for the group and their football club
became powerful statements of resistance and confrontation.
“Respect Existence or Expect Resistance.”
It is
important to note the major differences between the Ultras' political
involvement prior to the 2011 Egyptian uprising and their influence during the 18
days of chaos that marked the start of the revolution until Mubarak’s downfall.
While
various Ultras members did make political statements and were involved in
clashes that were framed as politically charged, the incidents highlighted
individual interests rather than the actions of a collectivized group. The
Ultras did not back a single political entity. What united them, instead, was
their brotherhood and sense of camaraderie.
It was only
during the revolution that the Ultras shed their skin and put their experience of
fighting the Egyptian police to more use.
Part two of this
four-part series will delve into the Ultras’ transformation into
revolutionaries and how they influenced the eventual outcome.