RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat (left) and BJP National Chief Amit Shah release coffee table book on the life of the PM Narendra Modi, July 2017. Hindustan Times/Press Association. All rights reserved.
The RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), India’s self-styled
“cultural” organisation, whose political wing BJP runs the Government, held a public
outreach programme designed to soften its image and make itself palatable to
the opponents of its Hindu nationalism and sectarianism. That caused a
political stir because as an insider says, this militant Hindu right-wing
organisation, manned by a huge network of paramilitary volunteers, never admits
there is anything flawed or outdated in its ideology.
The RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has made some startling
statements going against core principles of this organisation founded in 1925
with the objective of providing character training through Hindu discipline and
unifying the majority Hindu community, to lead to the formation of a Hindu
nation. Bhagwat’s intervention has confused followers accustomed to hard talk.
Hard talk
Bhagwat has suggested, for example, that the organisation
wholeheartedly take on board the Indian Constitution. His statement endorsing
the Indian Constitution – which he called “the consensus of the country” – made
news, because RSS leaders have always criticised the secular and socialist
Constitution of India. Commentators have predicted that if the BJP wins a clear
majority in the 2019 elections, it will delete the word “secular” from the
Constitution. But Bhagwat’s remarks should end the speculation that a BJP
Government would amend the Constitution to turn India into a theocratic state, Hindu Rashtra.
Another key statement by Bhagwat has suggested that a Hindu
nation will have space for Muslims. “The day it is said that Muslims are
unwanted here, the concept of Hindutva will cease to exist”. This somewhat
reassuring gesture towards Muslims comes at a time when the community is
feeling besieged. It has been politically marginalised by the BJP. Not a week
passes without newspaper reports of lumpen mobs carrying the Hindutva banner
and threatening Muslims for selling beef or being friendly with Hindu women. In
many cases, police in BJP-ruled states have shown religious bias. So, Bhagwat’s
nuanced statement was very sensible and timely.
But what is going on? These statements made ahead of the general
election reflect the realisation that aggressive Hindutva politics may not
yield a rich harvest of votes this time around – there are limits to religious
polarisation promoting the interests of the political wing of the RSS. These statements made ahead of the general election
reflect the realisation that… there are limits to religious polarisation.
Of course, Bhagwat’s lecture was promptly hailed by its
member who is currently deputed to the ruling party BJP as its national general
secretary. He wrote: “Bhagwat has disarmed most critics through his Glasnost.”
He projected Bhagwat as a “reformer”, comparing him to Gorbachev who had said:
“If not me, who? And if not now, when?”
Some ordinary Hindus and Muslims dismissed Bhagwat’s remarks
as an election-eve gimmick. If an atheist starts swearing in the name of God,
it will make the news. So, Bhagwat got massive publicity. Most commentators
said Bhagwat must walk the talk and make the rank and file follow him.
As elections approach, political parties modify their
ideological commitments, depending on the prevailing national mood as recorded
by their strategists. With parliamentary elections coming up in a few months,
India is sinking under a flood of political rhetoric. It is in this context
that the nominated supreme leader of the RSS thought of rebranding the “cultural”
organisation that runs India by remote-control.
Survival instinct
The RSS has always possessed extraordinary political
instincts. Without political acumen, this cultural organisation would not have
survived for more than 90 years during which it compromised with the British
and kept its distance from the Congress-led freedom movement. After independence,
the RSS got blamed because one of its former members killed Mahatma Gandhi. It
faced a ban that was lifted after it gave an undertaking to remain a cultural
organisation. Sardar Patel was then Home Minister.
While the RSS became a pariah in the eyes of most Indians
because of its sectarian agenda, it was admired even by its opponents for its
record of rescue and relief operations during calamities. The RSS is
justifiably proud of its capacity to respond quickly through its efficient
organisation. It claimed that it can deploy its volunteers even faster than the
army deploys its soldiers!
The RSS found easy acceptance among a large section of
Indians settled abroad. The Hollywood Hindus of America, feeling insecure about
their identity, find comfort in lending digital support to RSS ideology. They
would run miles from the White nationalists in their country but support the
Hindu nationalists in India! A London-based Gujarati trader grumbling about
India teeming with Muslims fell silent when told that white skinheads would
complain that London had got far too many Patels.
The RSS tradition of public service and hard work in the
areas of education and health, designed to counter the influence of missionaries
among the tribals and the unprivileged Hindus, kept the organisation in good
shape, even in an adverse political environment. All those years before it
tasted the fruits of political power, the RSS kept working without fanfare,
without publicity, quietly and secretively, attracting more volunteers to its
sectarian ideology and expanding its network.
As part of its growth strategy, it says Hinduism is in
danger and Hindus face a demographic challenge. Its political instinct reflects
the way Hindu society has survived the threats posed by invaders, at times
compromising with alien rulers but always sticking to its faith in private. All
other Hindu organisations such as the Hindu Mela, Ram Rajya Parishad and Hindu
Mahasabha withered away. The RSS saw ups and downs and its political wing
grabbed every opportunity to mainstream itself by joining and quitting
coalitions.
Their biggest opportunity came when Jayaprakash Narayan
needed volunteers to fight the Indira Gandhi Government. The RSS and its political
wing were more than willing to join his movement, notwithstanding ideological
differences. Subsequently the socialist leader regretted the entry of the
communal forces into his movement, but by then the communal outfit had gained a
measure of respectability because of its association with others. The RSS and
BJP have spent the past four years trying to mainstream Hindutva ideology,
based on exclusion and extremism. For this
“cultural” organisation, Indian culture means pre-Islamic Indian culture.
For this “cultural” organisation, Indian culture means pre-Islamic
Indian culture. It does not accept regional diversity or the differences
marking different phases of India’s history. Its storm-troopers would malign
any historian admiring an Indian culture that had assimilated influences from
the Greek world and from Central Asia, from the Christian Jewish Near East or
from Islam and from Europe. Its leaders participated in the demolition of the
Babri mosque and its volunteers are ever ready to demand the renaming of the
roads named after the Mogul emperors.
Under the saffron
flag
Ironically, the RSS shows European influence in the garb of
its volunteers, in its commitment to the model of the nation-state and its
admiration for powerful European leaders who crushed the minorities!
It marches on with the saffron flag, playing temple politics
and ignoring the basic tenets of the Hindu faith. Its followers cannot be
called Hindu fundamentalists because, as scholar Richard Gombrich said, they do
not follow the fundamentals of the Hindu faith. Some of the principles
propounded by the RSS do not reflect Vedic culture, and are imports both from
Islam and Christianity, who have only one central authority and one single holy
book. The Hindutva warriors, who threaten dissenters and writers of books on
Hinduism, were never exposed to the Vedic hymn questioning the Creator!
Respected religious leaders and learned scholars usually
keep mum when politicians hijack a religion, be it Islam, Christianity,
Buddhism or Hinduism. Had it not been so, the vast Hindu masses might have come
to understand the sharp difference between their faith and the “Hindutva” being
propagated by the RSS and its affiliated organisations.
The groups carrying saffron flags are always out to “defend”
Hindu Gods and Goddesses who are supposed to protect mortals! In this version
of the ancient faith, killing a cow is a sin, but killing a human acceptable. In this version of the ancient faith, killing a cow is a
sin, but killing a human acceptable.
The RSS expects its makeover to dissuade those disturbed by
Hindutva extremism from deserting its political wing, whose popularity shows some
signs of decline. The RSS chief decided to project a slightly liberal face at a
time when Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a former RSS functionary, has run into
a political storm.
There are signs of the revival of temple politics that once
yielded a rich harvest of votes for the BJP. Considering the outbreak of
religiosity in the political arena in the past four years, the fear of secular
forces seems justified. In the coming elections, will the ruling party make
even greater use of the Hindutva card since its development plans have not
delivered?
Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said the other day that
the primary duty of the judiciary is to protect the secular spirit of the Constitution
– a task that has become more demanding because “political disputes and
electoral battles are increasingly getting laced with religious overtones,
symbols, myths and prejudices”.
Modi came to power by appealing to the votaries of Hindutva
as well as promising rapid economic development. The votaries called him Hindu Hridhay Samrat (Emperor of the
Hindu Hearts). The promised economic nirvana
attracted those opposed to religious polarisation, hate speech and political
marginalisation of a significant community.
The combination of Hindutva and economic development has not
worked. So, has the RSS concluded that the Hindutva card may not give a
majority to the BJP? It had chosen Modi as the BJP’s nominee for the
prime-ministership. It may have a Plan B in case its political wing does not
get an absolute majority.
The BJP will need coalition partners and since Modi has
turned out to be a polarising figure, the potential partners will need an
excuse to support a party tainted with religious hatred. In that event, the RSS
will quickly field Modi’s replacement from within its ranks to attract
coalition partners.
The controversial but firm ties between the RSS and its
political wing once led to the fall of the coalition Janata Government on the
issue of “dual membership” as the RSS members in the Government refused to
ditch their mentor-organisation. Now that Modi’s charisma, notwithstanding his
fiery oratory, has started to diminish, Bhagwat has also made a very subtle
attempt in his speech to distance the RSS from its political wing. Now that Modi’s charisma, notwithstanding his fiery
oratory, has started to diminish, Bhagwat has also made a very subtle attempt
in his speech to distance the RSS from its political wing.
While the BJP leaders have gone after the Congress and its
leaders past and present hammer and tongs, Bhagwat unexpectedly lauded the role
of the Congress. He said the RSS did not believe in cleansing the nation of the
Congress, contradicting the BJP leaders who say they would eradicate the
Congress from the soil of India. Some say the RSS is preparing for the time
when a hostile party comes to power again! So, Bhagwat found it necessary to make
some conciliatory noises and slightly distance the RSS from its political wing.
Hour of glory
Bhagwat’s sudden appearance as a “reformer” surprised both
insiders and outsiders. No questions have ever been raised within the
organisation about the fundamental principles on which it was founded. This need
to reform has surfaced in the organisation’s hour of glory when its political
wing, for the first time in its history, commands unrestricted political power.
Since the coming of Prime Minister Modi, the RSS has gained
immense influence, leading to the expansion of its nationwide network of
volunteers who hold regular drills, armed with sticks. A few bureaucrats,
judges, policemen and even the Army chief at times say things that please the
RSS but would have horrified any past political establishment. A mini-cultural revolution involving cultural
assassinations of selected national heroes has been sweeping the nation.
A mini-cultural revolution involving cultural assassinations
of selected national heroes has been sweeping the nation. All kinds of autonomous
institutions are now led by RSS persons. A massive anti-Nehru campaign has been
unleashed. The profile of the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library has been
modified. Bhagwat’s address on the RSS annual day was telecast live by the
nation’s public broadcaster. Bhagwat’s public outreach programme was launched
in the most prestigious government auditorium. So, in things big and small, the
RSS has been richly rewarded by the Modi Government.
The RSS, for its part, let the Modi Government go against
some of the principles as well as economic policies that were dear to it. Far
from uniting Hindus, Modi’s divisive politics has splintered the community
further. Some Hindus now feel ashamed to belong to this faith. The global brand
of Hinduism has been damaged. The comparison is not appropriate, but some refer
to the Muslim Brotherhood while talking of the RSS.
The outbreak of regional and sub-regional pride is not what
RSS considers desirable in view of its commitment to Akhand Bharat (the one nation concept that at one time included the
separated Pakistan). But regional and sub-regional pride was fuelled by the BJP
leaders to win votes. If BJP-ruled Gujarat will reserve jobs for Gujaratis, the
concept of one India does not go far.
Similarly, some of the Modi Government’s economic policies
are what the organisations belonging to the Sangh family fought against when
their party was not in power. These include the opening up of the big retail
trade, privatisation, role of the foreign corporates, labour reforms and the diminished
importance of self-reliance. The RSS has overlooked all this. It has silently
watched Modi’s glorification as an individual at the cost of an institution
which again is not part of the RSS ethos.
However, RSS has not regretted that it picked up Modi as the
prime-ministerial candidate because it is Modi’s poll campaign that secured an
absolute majority for the political wing of the RSS. The RSS came into the limelight
and became attractive to the fence-sitters and many of its former opponents.
Its influence increased, and its network expanded as new people flocked to it.
Double-edged sword
Ironically, this success has turned out to be a double-edged
sword. Seen as running the Government through remote-control, the RSS has got itself
exposed as an unconstitutional authority. It has come under fierce attacks from
opponents of the BJP. It used to attract less hostility when the BJP was not in
power.
RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat with former PM Manmohan Singh, and BJP Leader M.M. Joshi during a cremation ceremony, August 2018. Hindustan Times/Press Association. All rights reserved.Now its non-participation in the freedom movement or its
preference for a saffron flag is recalled ever more frequently. The critics
point out that its constant talk of Hindu nationalism never helped in the nation-building
undertaken by the Congress leaders. The RSS showed no respect for either the
national flag or such key principles of the Constitution as secularism,
socialism, federalism or even democracy. Its organisational set-up is itself undemocratic.
In the name of nationalism, the RSS opposed every friendly
gesture towards Pakistan. It called positive discrimination, ‘appeasement of
the minorities’. Some commentators call this organisation anti-national because
of this conduct and its record of exacerbating Hindu-Muslim tensions.
Its ideology is blamed for physical and verbal attacks on
the minorities, the BJP leaders’ hate speeches and an aggressive campaign aided
by ministers to rid some educational institutions of leftist influence. It is
blamed for attacks on the critics of Hindutva and those challenging the dominant
castes. Even for the Government’s failures, the RSS gets blamed by association!
Liberal critics have pointed out that Bhagwat skipped some
controversial views expressed frequently by BJP leaders and followers. For
example, he kept silent on the inter-religious marriages that have led to mob
violence and even police harassment of Hindu girls marrying Muslims. Groups
trespass into the homes of such couples or accost couples sitting in public
places, questioning their identity. He did not say a word about the campaign
asking the Muslims to reconvert to Hinduism, the faith of their forefathers.
In an organisation like the RSS, one cannot stray too far
from the given line even in the name of reform. Bhagwat would have faced less
problems in making a slight departure before its political wing polarised the
nation on religious lines and exploited the fault lines of communal and caste
rivalries. Many Hindus now feel charged with communal passion and support Modi
precisely for his ability to “fix” the enemies of Hinduism. In an organisation like the RSS, one cannot stray too far
from the given line even in the name of reform.
Hyper-extremism
Hyper-extremism follows extremism. A mildly aggressive
organisation that fuels violence is either taken over by a more violent leader
or superseded by a fierier rival organisation. What a Modi does, a Yogi can do
better! Had Yogi, the Hindu monk-politician, not been accommodated as a state
chief minister, he could have troubled his party, the BJP, more than any
opposition leader. If the RSS moves towards liberalism, the Hindutva
storm-troopers, energised and empowered during the past four years, would feel
let down. They have been trained to abuse the secular Hindus, liberals,
intellectuals, dissenting writers and a minority community.
Organisations displaying their Hindutva credential have
proliferated during the past four years and new names keep cropping up in news
reports about mob violence, intimidation and lynching.
The volunteers of the vast moral police are provoked by
those selling beef, entering into inter-religious marriages, or not showing
respect to a Hindu God or the national flag. Women who wear short skirts or
enjoy drinks in a bar have to be a bit more careful about their personal
security. Romantic couples find that neither public gardens nor private homes
are quite safe. The recent cases of violence will perhaps bring down the number
of inter-religious marriages!
Lynching
Scholar Christopher Jaffrelot, who has written extensively
on the RSS, has this to say: “Not only has the Prime Minister abstained from
condemning lynchings, some legislators and ministers have extended their
blessings to the lynchers. Whenever lynchers have been arrested, the local
judiciary has released them on bail. If the executive, legislature and
judiciary do not effectively oppose lynchings, India may remain a rule-of law
country on paper and, in practice, a de facto ethno-state.”
When the ruling party president Amit Shah called Muslim
infiltrators “termites”, a foreign journalist was reminded of a particular
tribe in a distant land being called “cockroaches” for justifying violence
against it. These days more abuses are heard in India’s political discourse
than in a den of criminals. Fired by bigotry, millions have taken to social
media. A large section, comfortable only in their mother tongue, convey their
violent messages in Hindi written in the Roman script. Fired
by bigotry, millions have taken to social media.
In this kind of a toxic atmosphere, even the supreme leader
of the cadre-based RSS, will find limits to his authority. His nuanced comments,
designed for image makeover, are unlikely to lift the threat of Hindutva
extremism that now comes from the expanding number of outfits that keep
cropping up.
The BJP is already facing protests from its upper-caste
supporters angered by a legal provision to protect the Dalits that the Modi
Government was forced to enact by its coalition partners belonging to the
oppressed communities. The core supporters of the RSS and its political wing have
always come from the upper castes who are unhappy with what they see as
“appeasement” of the Dalits!
Some Hindu leaders will denounce any reformist Hindu
extremist as “a fake Hindu”. They have learnt that it pays in politics to call
your secular Hindu opponent a Muslim, “sickular”, and an agent of Pakistan!
Some Hindutva hotheads are asking why the Government has not passed a law to
build the promised Ram Temple on the site of the demolished Babri mosque!
They can snatch back the crown they had placed on the head
of the Emperor of the Hindu Hearts! The communal virus has made violent
eruptions routine. It will not be easy to push this genie back into the bottle!