Defence Secretary Michael Fallon visiting Vanguard-class submarine HMS Vigilant at Faslane in Scotland, 2016. Danny Lawson / Press Association . All rights reserved. Jonathan Leader
Maynard, who says there is a ‘strong case’ for Trident renewal, and Ian
Sinclair, who says there is no such case, both agree on one thing: the
language we use to discuss such matters is itself part of the problem. We must
watch out for “terms which, whilst purportedly neutral and technical, subtly
encourage certain ways of thinking,” says Maynard. “Everyone – academic,
politician, journalist or just interested citizen – should reflect critically
on the use of such terms and the connotations they encourage,” he says.
Although Maynard himself addresses
a number of the terms which Sinclair has criticised, he does not pick up at all
on the word ‘deterrence’ itself – easily the most loaded term in the whole
vocabulary of nuclear weapons.
Indeed, most academics,
politicians and journalists do not even refer to Trident as a nuclear weapon
system but instead prefer to call it ‘the deterrent’, as if that were the only
relevant feature of what is in fact a weapon of mass destruction whose sole
function is to flatten entire cities and kill hundreds of thousands, if not
millions, of people.
Calling such a weapon a
deterrent, or even ‘the’ deterrent, not only hides the chilling reality of what
we are actually talking about. It also directly contributes to a way of
thinking that allows Maynard to claim that ‘advocates of renewal mean for
Trident never to be launched’. Really? Let us examine that claim a bit more
closely.
Deterrence is the threat of punishment, but a threat has to be credible
to deter
According to the late Sir
Michael Quinlan, undisputed master of deterrence theory, ‘We cannot say that
nuclear weapons are for deterrence and never for use, however remote we judge
the latter possibility to be. Weapons
deter by the possibility of their use and by no other route.’
By calling Trident a deterrent,
we are lulled into thinking that it will never be used, when in fact it is only
the willingness to use it that makes it a deterrent.
But is Trident a deterrent even
if David Cameron says he is willing to use it? Michael Quinlan clearly thought
so, but it is not Michael Quinlan that Trident is meant to deter. It is the
political leaders of Russia who are the primary ‘targets’ of deterrence, along
with the political leaders of North Korea and perhaps those of a resurgent Iran
or an ISIS-controlled Pakistan. Are these political leaders deterred by David
Cameron’s willingness to reduce whole cities to a smouldering pile of ashes
should they dare to threaten the very survival of the UK or one of our NATO allies?
Let us examine the latter case
first. Trident is assigned to NATO, which means that it is most likely to be
used in defence of another NATO member under attack (ie. from Russia). The
theory is that Russia would not attack Estonia, for instance, knowing that it
would face a devastating retaliatory attack from the UK, using Trident.
However, since Russia also has nuclear weapons (around 10,000 of them as
compared to the UK’s 200 or so), an attack on Russia by the UK would almost
certainly invoke a further attack on the UK itself.
Would a UK Prime Minister
authorise the use of nuclear weapons against Russia to protect Estonia knowing
that this would probably result in a devastating nuclear attack on the UK
itself? Even if a UK Prime Minister would
make that decision, the question is, would a Russian Prime Minister expect him
or her to do so? Even if a UK Prime Minister would make that decision, the question
is, would a Russian Prime Minister expect him or her to do so? Unless a
Russian Prime Minister believes that a UK Prime Minister would be willing to
risk a nuclear attack on the UK in order to ‘protect’ Estonia or another NATO
country, Trident can hardly be considered a deterrent in that particular
situation.
What about a direct and
existential threat to the UK itself? Is it credible that a UK Prime Minister
would launch nuclear weapons on Russian cities knowing that the most likely
response – whether or not Russia had already used any nuclear weapons against
the UK – would be further nuclear attacks on the UK? As we know from the
Chernobyl accident in 1986, the prevailing winds travel East to West across
Europe and in that case dumped highly radioactive fall-out in Wales and Cumbria
which left huge numbers of sheep unfit for human consumption for the next 25
years. Even without a Russian nuclear attack on the UK, imagine the extent of
radioactive fall-out coming back to the UK after detonation of 40 Trident
warheads, each one nearly seven times the size of the bomb which was used on
Hiroshima. Is it credible that a UK Prime Minister would really take that risk,
despite what he or she may say in public? Because if not, the so-called
deterrent is nothing but an empty threat.
How do we know if someone is ‘deterred’ by nuclear weapons?
According to General Sir Nicholas
Houghton, Chief of Defence Staff, Trident is working as a deterrent ‘every
second of every minute of every day’. The only reason we are able to sleep easy
in our beds, without fear of imminent attack from some potential aggressor, is
that Trident is silently working on our behalf under the Atlantic, day in and
day out, making sure that any potential aggressor knows that they would face
utter destruction were they to threaten the UK (or its allies). That is all
part of the picture we are supposed to conjure up in our minds when we hear the
reassuring word, ‘deterrent’.
Apart from the fact that
deterrence itself means nothing unless one is prepared to actually use Trident
as a weapon, the reality is that there is no way to prove one way or the other
whether it has ever worked as a deterrent or would ever work as a deterrent in
the future. We can never know what is actually going on in the minds of
political leaders when they are making critical decisions like that. Was
President Khrushchev ‘deterred’ from basing nuclear missiles in Cuba by the
threat of a US nuclear attack, or was he convinced to withdraw the missiles
because President Kennedy promised to withdraw US missiles from Turkey?
Perhaps it was a combination of
factors, but the truth is we will never know, not even from the memoires of the
politicians themselves, since they invariably write their own version of
history from whatever perspective will make them look best.
The bombing of Hiroshima is a
case in point. The emperor himself said he was accepting unconditional
surrender because of the ‘new and most cruel’ bombs that were unleashed on
Japan by the US. That is the version of history everyone was told at the time
and it is the version we have all been taught at school ever since. But the weight
of historical evidence now points decidedly against this being the case. When
the bomb fell on Hiroshima, it is a matter of historical record that it went
almost unnoticed by the Japanese High Command and there were no calls to
surrender or even to reassess their situation. Yet within hours of the Soviet
invasion of Japan which happened two days later, the High Command had convened
to discuss their surrender.
Since conventional bombing had
already destroyed 67 other Japanese cities by that point, one or two more
destroyed cities – even at the hand of a new and more deadly weapon – was not
that significant in military terms. The declaration of war by the only major
world power not yet at war with Japan and the surprise attack which caught the
Japanese military totally unawares was, on the other hand, of much more
significance to the military and political leaders of Japan at that moment.
Bombing of cities does not win wars so the threat is hardly a deterrent
The extensive bombing of cities
in WWII actually turned out to be counter-productive and some historians argue
it actually prolonged the war rather than shortened it. War production in
Germany increased throughout the six years of incessant bombing of German
cities. We need only look at the bombing of London and other British cities by
the Nazis to see why this might be the case. Did the people who lived through
the Blitz feel despondent and demoralised? Were they banging on the doors of
Downing Street asking Churchill to surrender to Hitler so the bombing would
stop? How can Trident be considered a deterrent?
Bombing of cities certainly
causes death, destruction, suffering and hardship. A single Trident warhead
landing on a modern city would cause devastation unparalleled in human history.
But there is no evidence that bombing of cities ends wars or even dents the ability
or determination of military forces to fight on. The military are in most cases
not in the cities being attacked in any case, and if they are, they are
probably well-protected in deep underground bunkers while the civilians face
the brunt of the attack.
If military forces are not
seriously damaged by large-scale attacks on cities and political leaders are
not seriously threatened by such attacks, then the threat of launching those
attacks cannot be considered a deterrent. Military and political leaders who
might seriously threaten the UK are simply unlikely to be deterred by the
threat to destroy their cities. How then can Trident be considered a deterrent?
Are countries without nuclear weapons less safe than those who have
them?
While the psychological effects
of nuclear weapons on the thinking of a potential aggressor are impossible to
assess, a social-scientific assessment of how different countries have been
affected by having nuclear weapons is quite straightforward. There are roughly
195 countries in the world and only 9 of them currently possess nuclear weapons
(with a further 40 or so claiming protection under the US ‘nuclear umbrella’).
If nuclear weapons were an effective deterrent against threats and attacks, we
should expect to find that the 50 or so countries with nuclear weapons have faced fewer threats and attacks than the
150 or so countries without nuclear
weapons. We should also expect to find the 50 or so countries with nuclear
weapons to be facing fewer threats and attacks since they attained nuclear
weapons than they faced prior to having nuclear weapons. Neither of these two
hypotheses are historically correct. Former Navy
Commander Rob Green has likened Trident to the Emperor’s New Clothes.
Of the more than 100 wars which
have taken place since 1945, nearly half of them have involved nuclear-weapons
states. All of the nuclear weapons states, apart from North Korea, have been
attacked at least once by non-nuclear weapons states despite having nuclear
weapons as a ‘deterrent’. In the case of the UK, Egypt seized control of the
Suez Canal in 1956, Iceland seized British fishing vessels in 1974, Argentina
seized the Falklands/Malvinas in 1982 and the Provisional IRA carried out
numerous attacks on UK forces and assets over a 20 year period. In none of
these cases did having nuclear weapons act as an effective deterrent to those
wanting to harm UK interests.
During the Cold War, it is often
claimed that only US and UK nuclear weapons kept the Soviet Union from
attacking or invading NATO countries. However the Soviet Union also did not
attack or invade Finland, Sweden, Austria, Switzerland, Yugoslavia, Spain or
Ireland, despite these countries not
having NATO or nuclear weapons to protect them (Spain joined NATO in 1982).
According to the government’s
own Strategic Defence Reviews, no country has posed a military threat to the UK
for at least 20 years and no country is expected to pose a military threat to
the UK for the foreseeable future. If no country is threatening to attack the
UK, it is simply false to suggest that Trident is acting as a deterrent because
there is nothing to be deterred.
If Trident were cancelled
tomorrow, the reality is that noone in the UK would notice. The idea that we
would somehow be less safe and more vulnerable to attack without Trident is,
frankly, preposterous. Former Navy Commander Rob Green has likened Trident to
the Emperor’s New Clothes: this super-duper new weapon sounds pretty
impressive, but actually it does nothing and therefore is not powerful at all.
Tim Wallis’ book, The Truth About
Trident, is out
now, published by Luath Press.